The documentary Cocalero, directed by Alejandro Landes in 2007, follows presidential candidate Evo Morales as he fights for the rights of the coca farmers. In the documentary, Evo Morales is portrayed as the candidate that is running for the good of the people. He is an indigenous citizen, and a cocalero farmer, just like a lot of the people of Bolivia. It seems that in Bolivia the main issue, as far as their economy goes, revolves around cocaine and its eradication. It seems that by eradicating cocaine Bolivia would be able to fund their country… or so they thought.
In Kenneth Lehman’s article “U.S. Policy and Political Disarray in Bolivia, 1985-2006,” he points out the backwards emphasis that Bolivia put on the “3-D’s” in order to receive the maximum funding from the U.S. and U.N. He states that:
“while officials identified the “3-D’s” in order - democracy, development, and drug control - actual policies reversed those prorities. Drug control almost always came first, development assistance was made conditional on effective drug control measures, and too often the advancement of democracy - beyond the technical matter of holding regular elections- received little more than lip service” (Lehman 132).
This quotation sums up the entirety of Lehman’s article. The Bolivian government was ultimately forced to eradicate coca farms because that was where they were able to receive monetary support from other countries. unfortunately for Bolivia, that means that they were putting the most important aspect on the back burner. That aspect was democracy. The U.S. promised that they would replace coca farms with another crop, but again there was an issue. No other crops fit the soil as well as the coca did, and no other crops were as profitable as coca. This is where Evo Morales gets a lot of his support in the film, from the coca farmers. Lehman states “Bolivia has one of its few comparative advantages in the production of coca and has been an important supplier of the leaf since pre-colonial times” (Lehman 132). The question seemed to be, how is Bolivia supposed to develop itself when its most valuable crop is not replaced with anything sufficient to bring in revenue?
Bolivia was putting the most important aspect on the back burner. That aspect was democracy. This was easily illustrated in last weeks film Our Brand is Crisis. It is easy to see how a country can be at war with its government when only twenty-three percent of the country approved of Goni being there. At the time of coca eradication, Bolivia was essentially being run by whoever was funding the Bolivian government. Lehman states that “the U.S. Embassy, the IMF, and the World Bank became central policymaking actors in Bolivia” (Lehman 140). Bolivia was eradicating coca left and right in order to continue receiving aid from the U.S. and other sources. Even though they eradicated many of their illegal crop lands, funding started to go elsewhere. Which left Bolivia without funding and without coca. The people who voiced their opinions were the cocaleros. Evo Morales, while in the armed forces, said “I saw that the biggest defenders of democracy were the cocaleros” (qt. in Lehman 142). The cocaleros would be one of the main groups that help to get Morales elected, as seen in the documentary.
It is also important to note that Evo Morales is the first indigenous president to win in Bolivia. Similarly, in Ecuador Macas’ presidency helped to recognize what indigenous people had been struggling for quite sometime. They wanted to take control of the government and have a say in their future. In Suzana Sawyer’s article “The 1992 Indian Mobilization in Lowland Ecuador,” she states that his presidency (Macas)
“reaffirmed a growing recognition of Indians as political actors in Ecuador… Indians who had once been barred from official political practice were now transforming public space and becoming a formidable presence in Ecuadorian politics and society” (Sawyer 67).
This can be seen in the documentary as well. There are many occasions where the indigenous are either protesting or trying to take part in the governmental activities. (ie. voting)
The situation in Bolivia seemed to be a “catch 22.” The government needed money, but in order to get money they had to eradicate all their coca. The coca was their source of money, and once eradicated they stopped receiving financial support which left the country without money yet again.
Sunday, May 1, 2011
Sunday, April 24, 2011
Our Brand Is Crisis
It is amazing to see what money can do to a country. In the film Our Brand Is Crisis, a documentary film directed by Rachel Boynton, money plays a key role in the political issues. The documentary follows Goni, a Latino who was raised in the United States now running for his second presidency in Bolivia. During Goni’s first term he transitioned the country into a capitalist economy. His country needed money and foreign investors were willing to invest in the cheap labor and resources that were made available to them. Unfortunately, the people of Bolivia did not feel like Goni delivered the results he promised. Goni decides that he will run again, and he employs the help of an American marketing team.
James M. Cypher states in his article “The Slow Death of the Washington Consensus in Latin America” that “Increasing poverty, stagnant or falling real wages, and a further and steady widening of the distribution of income in virtually every nation has also become the omnipresent and largely ignored social context of the neoliberal era” (Cypher 47). In the film, during his first term, Goni set up a capitalist economy that encouraged foreign investment which brought more money into the country. The money did not benefit all people and caused some to lose jobs. The foreign investment in labor caused the government to keep labor wages low in order to keep investors interested.John Charles Chasteen states that “low labor costs constitute the maquiladoras’ main reason for being in Latin America. So neoliberal governments try to hold wages down, even as food and transportation subsidies are withdrawn from the poor” (Chasteen 315). It is amazing that government leaders chose to make decisions that were not in the best interest of the people. The leaders assumed that “all capital inflows are equally good,” regardless of the consequences (Cypher 49).The maquiladora type plants were key to the areas success in creating investment, but in some areas there was the threat of companies seeking out Asian options instead. This is similar to Goni’s decision to trade gas with Chile instead of what the Bolivian people wanted.
The marketing agency that was helping Goni in his election seem to have had the best interest of Bolivia in their plan. Unfortunately Goni was a man who did what he had to do to get elected and then decided what was best in his mind. Capitalism works very well in the United States because of the economic stability there is here. In many Latin American economies the government is trying to fund the country by incurring large amounts of debt which leaves the country dependent on investments that are not always in the best interest of the people. This makes the people very bitter towards the foreign investors. In John Perkins “Confessions of an Economic Hit Man,” Perkins states that “Like U.S. citizens in general most MIAN employees believed we were doing countries favors when we built power plants, highways, and ports. … Over the years I have heard comments like, ‘If they are going to burn the U.S. flag and demonstrate against our embassy, why don’t we just get out of their damn country and let them wallow in their own poverty?’” (Perkins 19). This quote ultimately sums up the issues at hand: a government in need of funds and foreign investors willing to invest, unfortunately the people are not happy with the results of the economy. What is a democracy without its people?
Ultimately it seems like the people of Latin America are screwed. Their government cannot help them because their economy is not stable, and there is no monetary solution for the countries who have incurred billions of dollars (well pesos) in debt. The title of the film, and the campaign slogan is rightly named, crisis is the name of the game.
James M. Cypher states in his article “The Slow Death of the Washington Consensus in Latin America” that “Increasing poverty, stagnant or falling real wages, and a further and steady widening of the distribution of income in virtually every nation has also become the omnipresent and largely ignored social context of the neoliberal era” (Cypher 47). In the film, during his first term, Goni set up a capitalist economy that encouraged foreign investment which brought more money into the country. The money did not benefit all people and caused some to lose jobs. The foreign investment in labor caused the government to keep labor wages low in order to keep investors interested.John Charles Chasteen states that “low labor costs constitute the maquiladoras’ main reason for being in Latin America. So neoliberal governments try to hold wages down, even as food and transportation subsidies are withdrawn from the poor” (Chasteen 315). It is amazing that government leaders chose to make decisions that were not in the best interest of the people. The leaders assumed that “all capital inflows are equally good,” regardless of the consequences (Cypher 49).The maquiladora type plants were key to the areas success in creating investment, but in some areas there was the threat of companies seeking out Asian options instead. This is similar to Goni’s decision to trade gas with Chile instead of what the Bolivian people wanted.
The marketing agency that was helping Goni in his election seem to have had the best interest of Bolivia in their plan. Unfortunately Goni was a man who did what he had to do to get elected and then decided what was best in his mind. Capitalism works very well in the United States because of the economic stability there is here. In many Latin American economies the government is trying to fund the country by incurring large amounts of debt which leaves the country dependent on investments that are not always in the best interest of the people. This makes the people very bitter towards the foreign investors. In John Perkins “Confessions of an Economic Hit Man,” Perkins states that “Like U.S. citizens in general most MIAN employees believed we were doing countries favors when we built power plants, highways, and ports. … Over the years I have heard comments like, ‘If they are going to burn the U.S. flag and demonstrate against our embassy, why don’t we just get out of their damn country and let them wallow in their own poverty?’” (Perkins 19). This quote ultimately sums up the issues at hand: a government in need of funds and foreign investors willing to invest, unfortunately the people are not happy with the results of the economy. What is a democracy without its people?
Ultimately it seems like the people of Latin America are screwed. Their government cannot help them because their economy is not stable, and there is no monetary solution for the countries who have incurred billions of dollars (well pesos) in debt. The title of the film, and the campaign slogan is rightly named, crisis is the name of the game.
Sunday, April 17, 2011
La Virgen de los Sicarios
La Virgen de los Sicarios, directed by Barbet Schroeder, is a film that portrays a society that is controlled by the success of the gangs involved in the cocaine business. The film takes place in Medellin which is one of the cocaine capitols in South America. The film stars Fernando, a writer, who returns to his hometown of Medellin to die, and Alexis who is a hit man for one of the gangs within Medellin. The story ends in tragedy because of the violence that is caused by the gangs in the film.
Ricardo Vargas wrote in his paper titled State, Espirit Mafioso, and Armed Conflict, that “The mafia is a medieval sentiment that arises from a belief that an individual can be assured the protection and integrity of their person and property through their own worth and influence, independent of the actions of the authorities or the law” (Vargas 108). This quote ties to the characters of Alexis and Wilmar in the film. Both Alexis and Wilmar rely upon themselves to live another day. Both boys will kill anyone that stands in the way of each of them finishing the job at hand. The job at hand, although not necessarily violent, can become violent at any point in time. Vargas also states that “to achieve success in life, one must have the valor to oppose authority and if necessary the law, or at least support those who can do so and not suffer formal legal consequences” (Vargas 108). This rings true in the film. Alexis governs his own life by killing anyone who does not agree with the philosophy that he has been raised upon. From the encounter Fernando has when he sees a man shot for not turning over his keys, to the killings of innocent people like Alexis and Wilmar, there are no authority figures upholding the laws that would protect the average citizen of Medellin. This is an issue because the lack of a presence of law enforcement leads to more violence. “The lack of legitimate institutions to resolve conflicts and the fact that many of those involved in the drug trade came from lower class sectors previously denied access to the regions sources of wealth led to an unprecedented wave of violence” (Vargas 113). Cocaine is a profitable business, and many people jumped at the chance to get a piece of the pie. Alexis is a hired assassin for one of the main gangs in Medellin, and when the audience sees how his family lives, it is easy to see why someone would see a gang as an answer to prayer.
Vargas also details the issues with gang leaders. Often time they would run for political office. Often times winning. Thus placing these leaders in important positions where they are able to bypass normal laws in lieu of their “special circumstances.” Historically there were guerillas and insurgents that were fighting throughout Colombia as well. The guerillas job was to “overthrow Conservative government, not establish a new society” (Hylton 42). This plays a role in how the societies they created interacting with the guerrillas .
La Violencia was a time that created different norms. There were children walking around with “blessed bullets” and religious articles of jewelry when there were killlers around everywhere in the city.
Ultimately, La virgen de los Sicarios, exemplifies the gang life of those living in the city of Medellin.
Ricardo Vargas wrote in his paper titled State, Espirit Mafioso, and Armed Conflict, that “The mafia is a medieval sentiment that arises from a belief that an individual can be assured the protection and integrity of their person and property through their own worth and influence, independent of the actions of the authorities or the law” (Vargas 108). This quote ties to the characters of Alexis and Wilmar in the film. Both Alexis and Wilmar rely upon themselves to live another day. Both boys will kill anyone that stands in the way of each of them finishing the job at hand. The job at hand, although not necessarily violent, can become violent at any point in time. Vargas also states that “to achieve success in life, one must have the valor to oppose authority and if necessary the law, or at least support those who can do so and not suffer formal legal consequences” (Vargas 108). This rings true in the film. Alexis governs his own life by killing anyone who does not agree with the philosophy that he has been raised upon. From the encounter Fernando has when he sees a man shot for not turning over his keys, to the killings of innocent people like Alexis and Wilmar, there are no authority figures upholding the laws that would protect the average citizen of Medellin. This is an issue because the lack of a presence of law enforcement leads to more violence. “The lack of legitimate institutions to resolve conflicts and the fact that many of those involved in the drug trade came from lower class sectors previously denied access to the regions sources of wealth led to an unprecedented wave of violence” (Vargas 113). Cocaine is a profitable business, and many people jumped at the chance to get a piece of the pie. Alexis is a hired assassin for one of the main gangs in Medellin, and when the audience sees how his family lives, it is easy to see why someone would see a gang as an answer to prayer.
Vargas also details the issues with gang leaders. Often time they would run for political office. Often times winning. Thus placing these leaders in important positions where they are able to bypass normal laws in lieu of their “special circumstances.” Historically there were guerillas and insurgents that were fighting throughout Colombia as well. The guerillas job was to “overthrow Conservative government, not establish a new society” (Hylton 42). This plays a role in how the societies they created interacting with the guerrillas .
La Violencia was a time that created different norms. There were children walking around with “blessed bullets” and religious articles of jewelry when there were killlers around everywhere in the city.
Ultimately, La virgen de los Sicarios, exemplifies the gang life of those living in the city of Medellin.
Sunday, April 10, 2011
Cocaine Cowboys
Cocaine Cowboys is a 2006 documentary that delves into the issues and aspects of cocaine trafficking from Medellin, Colombia to Miami, Florida. In Cocaine Cowboys, the first hand accounts given by the participants in the documentary seem hard to believe. The many people involved in the cocaine trafficking in America, particularly Florida, were ruthless, and they would stop at nothing to make their money. Money was the ultimate reward, and there was a lot of it to be made. John Roberts and Mickey Munday devised a plan to bring in cocaine themselves from Medellin, and what resulted from this is a very profitable business. The documentary also shows the intricacies involved in the shipping process to the coast of Florida. There are many issues that arise because of the popularity of cocaine in America. Trafficking becomes the biggest.
Because of the outbreak of drug trafficking in the United States, many presidents have either initiated or continued a war on drugs. These wars include pumping millions of dollars into the economies of Latin American countries in order to gain control of the coca producing and exporting groups. In Colletta A. Youngers’ article, Collateral Damage: The U.S. “War on Drugs” and Its Impact on Democracy in the Andes, Youngers states that “In short, several billion dollars have been allocated to Andean counter drug efforts in recent years. Yet there is hardly a dent in overall coca production, and cocaine… is just as cheap and readily available” (Youngers 131). Tons of taxpayer dollars were pumped into these countries in order to man military bases and to construct and operate attacks on coca distributors. Nothing seemed to work. The cocaine production industry was too profitable for anyone involved to stop their role in its production and transport. It also brings into question whether or not national government agencies were buying cocaine themselves in order to get a piece of the profits.
“Coca-growing regions have become a melting pot of people from all over Colombia: those fleeing right-wing paramilitary or leftist guerilla violence, peasants forced off their land, and young men with no prospects for employment in urban shantytowns” (Younger 144). Coca leaf farming created jobs for those who needed them and did not want to resort to the gangs of the shanty towns to survive. “The primary victims [of violence in Bolivia] are not drug traffickers but poor farmers who eke out a subsistence-level income through coca production” (Youngers 139). The popularity of cocaine only fueled the need for more coca production.
In Paul Gootenberg’s article, The “Pre-Colombian” Era of Drug Trafficking in the Americas: Cocaine 1945-1965, Gootenberg states that “Havana’s notorious gambling and pleasure clubs, and freewheeling prostitution industry, became the era’s pioneer test markets of cocaine” (Gootenberg 150). This was in the 1950’s, and from here the demand for cocaine grew, which again added to the increase and need of supply. The issue was that growing coca was not legal. “Illicit cocaine from overseas was born in Peru in 1947-50 with the suppression of a declining legal cocaine sector, and then pushed on to Bolivia, where the revolution progressively fostered cocaine’s development” (Gootenberg 172).
The documentary Cocaine Cowboys displayed the effects the cocaine had on an American society. Conveniently left out are the underlying issues that have been going on for years with the production and harvest of the product. Mentioned but very little is said about the war on drugs, and how it affected the people of Medellin and other cities heavily invested in the coca crop.
Because of the outbreak of drug trafficking in the United States, many presidents have either initiated or continued a war on drugs. These wars include pumping millions of dollars into the economies of Latin American countries in order to gain control of the coca producing and exporting groups. In Colletta A. Youngers’ article, Collateral Damage: The U.S. “War on Drugs” and Its Impact on Democracy in the Andes, Youngers states that “In short, several billion dollars have been allocated to Andean counter drug efforts in recent years. Yet there is hardly a dent in overall coca production, and cocaine… is just as cheap and readily available” (Youngers 131). Tons of taxpayer dollars were pumped into these countries in order to man military bases and to construct and operate attacks on coca distributors. Nothing seemed to work. The cocaine production industry was too profitable for anyone involved to stop their role in its production and transport. It also brings into question whether or not national government agencies were buying cocaine themselves in order to get a piece of the profits.
“Coca-growing regions have become a melting pot of people from all over Colombia: those fleeing right-wing paramilitary or leftist guerilla violence, peasants forced off their land, and young men with no prospects for employment in urban shantytowns” (Younger 144). Coca leaf farming created jobs for those who needed them and did not want to resort to the gangs of the shanty towns to survive. “The primary victims [of violence in Bolivia] are not drug traffickers but poor farmers who eke out a subsistence-level income through coca production” (Youngers 139). The popularity of cocaine only fueled the need for more coca production.
In Paul Gootenberg’s article, The “Pre-Colombian” Era of Drug Trafficking in the Americas: Cocaine 1945-1965, Gootenberg states that “Havana’s notorious gambling and pleasure clubs, and freewheeling prostitution industry, became the era’s pioneer test markets of cocaine” (Gootenberg 150). This was in the 1950’s, and from here the demand for cocaine grew, which again added to the increase and need of supply. The issue was that growing coca was not legal. “Illicit cocaine from overseas was born in Peru in 1947-50 with the suppression of a declining legal cocaine sector, and then pushed on to Bolivia, where the revolution progressively fostered cocaine’s development” (Gootenberg 172).
The documentary Cocaine Cowboys displayed the effects the cocaine had on an American society. Conveniently left out are the underlying issues that have been going on for years with the production and harvest of the product. Mentioned but very little is said about the war on drugs, and how it affected the people of Medellin and other cities heavily invested in the coca crop.
Sunday, April 3, 2011
Bus 174
In Bus 174, the directors, José Padilha and Felipe Lacerda, illustrate the complicated life of Sondro Do Nascimento living in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The movie evokes a sympathy towards the less fortunate inhabitants of the large cities, and what those inhabitants feel forced to do when times get tougher. The readings compliment the movie by offering up more sympathetic situations that show why the crime was committed. Also, the readings express that a city’s want for modernity can lead to more unemployed, and more people forced toward a life of delinquency.
The story, The Drive-by Victim, written by Alberto Salcedo Ramos, is a perfect example of why street kids or gangs in cities, like Rio de Janeiro, commit acts of crime and violence. The driver of the car in The Drive-by Victim asks the passenger, “Do you know why we are doing this, … Because they hurt one of the guys in the gang and we have to get together three million pesos tonight” (Ramos 137). These words the driver speaks show that there was an ulterior motive for the actions of crimes committed by the street kids in the town. Like the thieves in The Drive-by Victim, Sondro is driven to commit the crimes he does because of his circumstances. These circumstance come from a variety of places but focus around the city’s street kids. The street kids seek the street because their families cannot support them. One of the reasons that the families cannot support their children is because of the modernizing of jobs and technology. In Alma Guillermo’s book, The Heart that Bleeds, expresses the troubles the Mariachi bands faced when a new subway was placed in the town. By putting in the subway system, the government steered the tourists away from the plaza that would get the Mariachis lots of money. The placement of the subway station interferes with traffic flowing through the plaza where the Mariachis played. That leads to people not being able to survive in the market place, and leads to people resorting to crime in order to support their families.
The acts of violence will breed more violence. This is how the shanty towns developed. More and more people moved to the city looking for jobs, but the city did not have enough jobs to support them. These people congregated, and created a group. All of this goes to show the sympathy the audience has for Sondro. He was forced to watch his mother be stabbed to death. He grew up in a world of violence that only bred more violence. Violence becomes socially acceptable when a people accept it as a way of life. Like the characters in The Drive-by Victim, Sondro is trying to make a point when he holds up bus 174. Sondro is much like the Mariachi players, his mother was taken from him like the Mariachis’ tourists were taken away. Because their main source of income was gone, both groups of people are forced to make ends meet elsewhere. Had modernity not been a part of the culture that shaped his life, Sondro would not have been in the same predicament.
The story, The Drive-by Victim, written by Alberto Salcedo Ramos, is a perfect example of why street kids or gangs in cities, like Rio de Janeiro, commit acts of crime and violence. The driver of the car in The Drive-by Victim asks the passenger, “Do you know why we are doing this, … Because they hurt one of the guys in the gang and we have to get together three million pesos tonight” (Ramos 137). These words the driver speaks show that there was an ulterior motive for the actions of crimes committed by the street kids in the town. Like the thieves in The Drive-by Victim, Sondro is driven to commit the crimes he does because of his circumstances. These circumstance come from a variety of places but focus around the city’s street kids. The street kids seek the street because their families cannot support them. One of the reasons that the families cannot support their children is because of the modernizing of jobs and technology. In Alma Guillermo’s book, The Heart that Bleeds, expresses the troubles the Mariachi bands faced when a new subway was placed in the town. By putting in the subway system, the government steered the tourists away from the plaza that would get the Mariachis lots of money. The placement of the subway station interferes with traffic flowing through the plaza where the Mariachis played. That leads to people not being able to survive in the market place, and leads to people resorting to crime in order to support their families.
The acts of violence will breed more violence. This is how the shanty towns developed. More and more people moved to the city looking for jobs, but the city did not have enough jobs to support them. These people congregated, and created a group. All of this goes to show the sympathy the audience has for Sondro. He was forced to watch his mother be stabbed to death. He grew up in a world of violence that only bred more violence. Violence becomes socially acceptable when a people accept it as a way of life. Like the characters in The Drive-by Victim, Sondro is trying to make a point when he holds up bus 174. Sondro is much like the Mariachi players, his mother was taken from him like the Mariachis’ tourists were taken away. Because their main source of income was gone, both groups of people are forced to make ends meet elsewhere. Had modernity not been a part of the culture that shaped his life, Sondro would not have been in the same predicament.
Sunday, March 13, 2011
Che, Part 1
In Che, Part 1, directed by Steven Soderbergh, Ernesto “Che” Guevara allies with Fidel Castro in order to attain a total Latin American revolution. In the declassified notes The Death of Che Guevara: A Chronology it is stated that “Guevara wanted to export the Cuban Revolution to different parts of Latin America and Africa,” (Kornbluh 5). In the film, Guevara and Castro begin to gather troops in order to form their columns of guerillas. Guevara hoping, that once the Revolution in Cuba is accomplished, he will use his guerilla tactics in hopes that he will take revolution to other countries of the world. Guevara’s outlook on revolution and guerilla warfare are accurately portrayed in Soderburgh’s film.
In Guevara’s Guerilla Warfare: A Method, Guevara points out that certain situations must be present in order for revolution to take place. There are many things mentioned in his article that are carried over into the film. Guevara writes, “ the defense must be armed so that the popular forces will not merely become recipients of the enemy’s blows,” (Guevara 6). In the movie, Guevara would not let members join the cause unless they had a weapon to defend themselves. Guevara also emphasized the need to educate the people. In the film, Guevara wants everyone to read and write, because those that are uneducated are easily swayed. He writes that “the peasantry is a class, that because of the ignorance in which it has been kept … requires the revolutionary and political leadership of the working class, and the revolutionary intellectuals,” (Guevara 3).
With guerilla warfare timing is everything. Guevara writes that “we should not fear violence, … but violence should be unleashed at that precise moment in which the leaders have found the most favorable circumstances,” (Guevara 5). Guerilla warfare, is a warfare that, may not have many in number, but makes every blow they deal one that is effective.
After Guevara is successful in Cuba, he leaves to start revolutionary action in other parts of the world, like Bolivia. Because of Castro’s support of Guevara, Castro was “accused of ‘harming the communist cause through his sponsorship of guerilla activity,” (Kornbluh 2). Guevara’s ideas never gained popularity in Bolivia like they did in Cuba, and because of this his revolution never succeeded there. The United States trained Bolivian officers to kill Guevara. They were successful in capturing him, but before he died he said, “I know you have come to kill me. Shoot, you are only going to kill a man,” (Kornbluh 11). In Castro’s eulogy he tells the United States the same thing. They have only killed a man, and “they are mistaken who believe that his death is the death of his ideas, the defeat of his tactics, or the defeat of his guerilla concepts,” (Kornbluh 5). This was the hope of Walt Rostow who wrote that “in the Latin American context [Guevara’s death] will have a strong impact in discouraging would-be guerillas,” (Kornbluh 13).
It is not surprising that the United States wanted to keep everything top secret. They chose not to tell the world that Guevara was murdered for they feared “a trial would focus world attention on him and could generate sympathetic propaganda for Che and for Cuba,” (Kornbluh 10). This is just like guerilla warfare. If the truck that guerillas blow up is publicized as an accident, there is no attention focused to it. Guerillas without focus and attention from the masses are not successful.
In Guevara’s Guerilla Warfare: A Method, Guevara points out that certain situations must be present in order for revolution to take place. There are many things mentioned in his article that are carried over into the film. Guevara writes, “ the defense must be armed so that the popular forces will not merely become recipients of the enemy’s blows,” (Guevara 6). In the movie, Guevara would not let members join the cause unless they had a weapon to defend themselves. Guevara also emphasized the need to educate the people. In the film, Guevara wants everyone to read and write, because those that are uneducated are easily swayed. He writes that “the peasantry is a class, that because of the ignorance in which it has been kept … requires the revolutionary and political leadership of the working class, and the revolutionary intellectuals,” (Guevara 3).
With guerilla warfare timing is everything. Guevara writes that “we should not fear violence, … but violence should be unleashed at that precise moment in which the leaders have found the most favorable circumstances,” (Guevara 5). Guerilla warfare, is a warfare that, may not have many in number, but makes every blow they deal one that is effective.
After Guevara is successful in Cuba, he leaves to start revolutionary action in other parts of the world, like Bolivia. Because of Castro’s support of Guevara, Castro was “accused of ‘harming the communist cause through his sponsorship of guerilla activity,” (Kornbluh 2). Guevara’s ideas never gained popularity in Bolivia like they did in Cuba, and because of this his revolution never succeeded there. The United States trained Bolivian officers to kill Guevara. They were successful in capturing him, but before he died he said, “I know you have come to kill me. Shoot, you are only going to kill a man,” (Kornbluh 11). In Castro’s eulogy he tells the United States the same thing. They have only killed a man, and “they are mistaken who believe that his death is the death of his ideas, the defeat of his tactics, or the defeat of his guerilla concepts,” (Kornbluh 5). This was the hope of Walt Rostow who wrote that “in the Latin American context [Guevara’s death] will have a strong impact in discouraging would-be guerillas,” (Kornbluh 13).
It is not surprising that the United States wanted to keep everything top secret. They chose not to tell the world that Guevara was murdered for they feared “a trial would focus world attention on him and could generate sympathetic propaganda for Che and for Cuba,” (Kornbluh 10). This is just like guerilla warfare. If the truck that guerillas blow up is publicized as an accident, there is no attention focused to it. Guerillas without focus and attention from the masses are not successful.
Sunday, March 6, 2011
Motorcycle Diaries
The 2004 movie The Motorcycle Diaries, directed by Walter Salles, follows Ernesto “El Che” Guevara and his friend Alberto Granado on their cross-continental journey on a motorcycle. In the movie, Guevara is depicted as an honest and sympathetic man. Every time Guevara meets a person who is less fortunate he is, he sympathizes with them. The Incan boy, the communist miner couple, and the inhabitants of the leper colony all represent people who Guevara is influenced by in the movie.
Eduardo Elena gives adequate background information of Ernesto Guevara’s travels and the Peronist government of Argentina in his work, Travel and Nationalism in Ernesto Guevara’s Argentina. Throughout his piece, Elena emphasizes that the focus of the Argentinean government was travel and tourism, brought about by Juan Perón. According to Elena, Guevara “traveled extensively in his teenage years and early twenties,” and did not take a single trip as the movie leads the audience to believe. (Elena 24). Guevara did not always stay in a country long enough to get the full picture of what was going on. According to Ann Zulawski, Guevara was offered a long-term job in Bolivia, but he turned it down for the overnight experience instead. (Zulawski 195).
Elena also notes the Guevara was a “devoted reader” and was said to have “familiarized himself with Karl Marx and other leftist authors.” (Elena 25). After reading this, it is not surprising that in the movie Guevara wants to build a hospital at the base of the mountain for anyone to come to for help, or that he is sympathetic towards the miner couple who are kicked off their land for being communists. His reading is very important in the movie, because in one of the books he reads that revolution should be original. This further emphasizes the impact reading had upon Guevara.
Elena also states that Guevara liked to find rural areas of the country so he could be with the “ordinary” people. (Elena 27). This is seen in the movie when Guevara talks with the miners, socializes with the lepers, and helps the dying woman. This is emphasized in Guevara’s own journal. Elena notes that Guevara “devoted little time in his journals to describing metropolitan areas or their inhabitants.” (Elena 28). The most important description Elena has to offer about Guevara is that “[Guevara] saw himself as something more [than a paradigm of tourism], he saw himself as someone dedicated to the serious business of investigating the inner workings of society.” (Elena 29). Unfortunately, Ann Zulawski does not have as many praises for Guevara in her piece entitled What did Che See? Throughout her piece, Zulawski criticizes Guevara’s point of view of the social issues at hand in Bolivia. Zulawski believes that Guevara’s perception of the working class people of Bolivia during the revolution is an incorrect one, tainted by Guevara’s own stereotyping. Guevara assumed that the Indians were passive in their struggle for reforms. However, as Zulawski points out, (through Lilo Linke) the Indians that Guevara encountered “were nowhere close to passive.” (Zulawski 194). Zulawski also states that he saw “Indians as long suffering and impervious to contemporary political realities.” (Zulawski 192). It is interesting that sixty percent of Bolivians were Indian. (Zulawski 195). This helps to understand why the government would not want to grant them suffrage.Zulawski makes great note of the state of the mining industry in Bolivia, where eighty percent of its tin exports go to the United States. (Zulawski 185). Bolivia depended heavily on the trade with the United States. This heavily influenced the Bolivian government’s actions. (I.e. the labor movement’s role in wanting to nationalize the mines and have the working class run them). (Zulawski189). In the movie this is conveyed through Guevara's reading, where the author states that revolution needs to be original, and we are too few to be divided.
Overall, The Motorcycle Diaries does a great job setting up the ideal qualities of Ernesto “El Che” Guevara. These ideal qualities shaped him into the revolutionary he became. Unfortunately, for the audience, the movie was not one that focused on all aspects of his history, and does not emphasize the importance of all events going on in Latin America at this time.
Eduardo Elena gives adequate background information of Ernesto Guevara’s travels and the Peronist government of Argentina in his work, Travel and Nationalism in Ernesto Guevara’s Argentina. Throughout his piece, Elena emphasizes that the focus of the Argentinean government was travel and tourism, brought about by Juan Perón. According to Elena, Guevara “traveled extensively in his teenage years and early twenties,” and did not take a single trip as the movie leads the audience to believe. (Elena 24). Guevara did not always stay in a country long enough to get the full picture of what was going on. According to Ann Zulawski, Guevara was offered a long-term job in Bolivia, but he turned it down for the overnight experience instead. (Zulawski 195).
Elena also notes the Guevara was a “devoted reader” and was said to have “familiarized himself with Karl Marx and other leftist authors.” (Elena 25). After reading this, it is not surprising that in the movie Guevara wants to build a hospital at the base of the mountain for anyone to come to for help, or that he is sympathetic towards the miner couple who are kicked off their land for being communists. His reading is very important in the movie, because in one of the books he reads that revolution should be original. This further emphasizes the impact reading had upon Guevara.
Elena also states that Guevara liked to find rural areas of the country so he could be with the “ordinary” people. (Elena 27). This is seen in the movie when Guevara talks with the miners, socializes with the lepers, and helps the dying woman. This is emphasized in Guevara’s own journal. Elena notes that Guevara “devoted little time in his journals to describing metropolitan areas or their inhabitants.” (Elena 28). The most important description Elena has to offer about Guevara is that “[Guevara] saw himself as something more [than a paradigm of tourism], he saw himself as someone dedicated to the serious business of investigating the inner workings of society.” (Elena 29). Unfortunately, Ann Zulawski does not have as many praises for Guevara in her piece entitled What did Che See? Throughout her piece, Zulawski criticizes Guevara’s point of view of the social issues at hand in Bolivia. Zulawski believes that Guevara’s perception of the working class people of Bolivia during the revolution is an incorrect one, tainted by Guevara’s own stereotyping. Guevara assumed that the Indians were passive in their struggle for reforms. However, as Zulawski points out, (through Lilo Linke) the Indians that Guevara encountered “were nowhere close to passive.” (Zulawski 194). Zulawski also states that he saw “Indians as long suffering and impervious to contemporary political realities.” (Zulawski 192). It is interesting that sixty percent of Bolivians were Indian. (Zulawski 195). This helps to understand why the government would not want to grant them suffrage.Zulawski makes great note of the state of the mining industry in Bolivia, where eighty percent of its tin exports go to the United States. (Zulawski 185). Bolivia depended heavily on the trade with the United States. This heavily influenced the Bolivian government’s actions. (I.e. the labor movement’s role in wanting to nationalize the mines and have the working class run them). (Zulawski189). In the movie this is conveyed through Guevara's reading, where the author states that revolution needs to be original, and we are too few to be divided.
Overall, The Motorcycle Diaries does a great job setting up the ideal qualities of Ernesto “El Che” Guevara. These ideal qualities shaped him into the revolutionary he became. Unfortunately, for the audience, the movie was not one that focused on all aspects of his history, and does not emphasize the importance of all events going on in Latin America at this time.
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